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Study from Higher Education of the

subordinate integration of Manabí, to

the domain of the national State

Estudio desde la Educación Superior de la integración

subordinada de Manabí, al dominio del Estado

nacional

Rolando Fabián Zambrano Andrade

Marlon Néxar Vélez Cantos

Abstract

The present research work addresses the process of provincialization

of Manabí in its jurisdictional bicentennial created by the Law of

Territorial Division in 1824 due to the annexation to Gran Colombia,

a precedent of “integration” to the republican project of State and

national Unity of Ecuador since 1830. strengthened with the

developmentalism of the 50s of the 20th century; The

methodological underpinnings of historiographic documentary

review determine the consolidation of the State by subordinating

internal jurisdictions to the elitistly governed political, social,

economic, territorial and civilizational domain, a vision that

dissolves the ancestral community social construction replaced by

postcolonial dominance in America. The results focus on the process

of domination with profound consequences, inputs that aim to

contribute to the objective contemporary balance of the adaptation

and adoption of stateism foreign to the socio-territorial reality

installed by a distorted peripheral creolism that creates structural

Licenciado en Gestión Local, Magíster en Proyectos de

Desarrollo Endógeno, Universidad Politécnica Salesiana,

Ecuador. Especialista en Políticas Públicas para la Igualdad,

FLACSO Brasil-CLACSO. Investigador independiente

fzambrano0404@gmail.com

ORCID. 0000-0001-9842-1628

Economista, Magister de Investigación en Desarrollo Local,

Universidad Técnica de Manabí, Ecuador. Defensor de

Derechos Humanos. Investigador independiente.

marlonvelez03@gmail.com

ORCID. 0000-0002-4489-9236

Article

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backwardness and poverty without achievements of self-control.

provincial at present.

Keywords: Integration, subordination, domination, National State,

Manabí

Resumen

El presente trabajo de investigación aborda el proceso de

provincialización de Manabí en su bicentenario jurisdiccional creada

por Ley de División Territorial en 1824 por la anexión a la Gran

Colombia, antecedente de “integración” al republicano proyecto de

Estado y Unidad nacional del Ecuador desde 1830, fortalecida con

el desarrollismo de los 50 del siglo XX; los sustentos metodológicos

de revisión documental historiográfica determinan la consolidación

del Estado subordinando a las jurisdicciones internas al dominio

político, social, económico, territorial y civilizatorio gobernado

elitistamente, visión que disuelve la ancestral construcción social

comunitaria reemplazada por el dominio poscolonial en América.

Los resultados se concentran en el proceso de dominación con

consecuencias profundas, insumos que pretenden contribuir al

objetivo balance contemporáneo de la adaptación y adopción del

estatalismo ajeno a la realidad socio territorial instalado por un

distorsionado criollismo periférico creador de estructurales atrasos y

pobrezas sin logros del autodominio provincial al presente.

Palabras Clave: Integración, subordinación, dominación, Estado

nacional, Manabí.

Introduction

With Ecuador's independence and annexation to Gran Colombia and

subsequent republican foundation in 1830, it reinforced the internal

jurisdictional structuring of provinces prioritised since 1824 with the

Law of Territorial Division, creating 7 of the current 24 provinces,

including Manabí. This bicentennial provincialism has not been

attractive to Manabí in terms of development or progress, as it is

imbued with the dynamics of its own social construction, rendered

invisible by Spanish colonisation due to the lack of the desired

metals, as well as biophysical limitations, disconnected from the

national continent; once these mechanisms were overcome or rather

forced, it was ‘integrated’ into the dominant National State in the

1950s.

This version is contrary if it is conceived as agreed with the ascended

Eloy Alfaro president in 1895, Manabita who carries with him the

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integration, once president, the installation of the national state with

socio-territorial control was superimposed by means of the

‘emblematic’ secular education. Before the republic the usual

connection of Manabí was with the north and south maritime of its

population settled in the coastal profile to have developed

knowledge in fishing, relating to the near Pacific until the arrival of

republicanism that connected it to the provincial continent with two

rail branches between 1909 to 1967 of: Santa Ana-Portoviejo-

Montecristi-Manta and Chone-Calceta-Tosagua-Bahía de Caráquez

transporting cocoa for export to the international market.

The isolation of Manabí from its state continent was maintained until

the arrival of the post Second World War developmentalism by the

hand of CEPAL in 1948, with which the state modernisation was

installed, restructuring the space and integrating the whole territory

to the national state; This ‘integration’ background was not agreed,

but forced with disastrous consequences, altering the natural and

social bases of its population and territory, copying and colonising

the provincial continent, expanded to the neighbouring areas,

continued with the invasive and extensive agriculture since the

middle of the 19th century and strengthened with the successive

agrarian reforms of 1964, 1973 and 1979.

The State and National Unity project is centralised, structuring

domination by subordinating its fragmented jurisdictions into

provinces, cantons and parishes, in which it installs the perpetual

capitalist use of the territory with the consequent accumulation of

capital in the hands of a few, distributing social and territorial

poverty. Provincial bicentenary debated between the Chola-

Montubia identities, ‘class contradiction, (which) has divided the

white-mestizo society from within, where it was necessary to resort

to local identities to seek principles of unity around the territory,

local characters, outstanding milestones of history, where they have

even appropriated local indigenous history, collected and written

elements’ (RAMON, G, Torres, VH, 2004) in this case of Manabí;

identities carrying abysmal backwardness that separate the province

from globalisation and the fictional national development that

structures insurmountable poverty in the medium term, fixed in the

limits of legal-political fragmentation, hindering the cohesion and

integration diagnosed in the present work, a substantial input that

contains scope for forecasting the pending, necessary and effective

provincial self-domination of Manabí.

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Materials and methods

The methodological underpinning of this paper concentrates on the

analysis of the specific political historiography of Manabí related to

the social sciences and the territorial variable; here we develop the

influential dynamics in the formation and evolution of republican

provincialism, specifically focused on the recent forced integration

subordinated to the project of State and National Unity, inputs traced

from the scattered and weak availability of relevant documentary

review; This identifies key milestones of the significant impacts

conducted in the logic of the domination of power actors with the

consequent political-social and territorial subordination in the

outstanding periods of the national state-building process; this

approximate structuring balance: jurisdictional, population and

power is useful the sense of the thematic research not only for the

information it provides, but converted into substantial input for the

pending debate of the Historical Agreement of Ecuador State in the:

political, social, economic, ethnic, territorial required, coming to

understand specifically the dynamics that have shaped the

provincialism of Manabí that hinders and/or enables a viable self-

mastery with polycentric character.

Results

The province of Manabí was formed in 1824 by the Law of

Territorial Division due to its annexation to Gran Colombia (1819-

1835), an event that marked the before and after, circumscribed in

its own confinement and subsequent state subordination; Its initial

maritime relationship is with the north-south coast of the South

American Pacific until the pre-capitalist republicanism of the early

20th century penetrated the provincial continent through the

establishment of cocoa plantations accessed by two railway branches

that connected it to the international market, a period reinforced by

the state developmentalism of the 1950s, which integrated the entire

territory subordinated to the incipient project of state and national

domination.

The maritime relationship is due to the fact that the ancestral

population settled in the marine profile subsisted on fishing until

converting to the flourishing natural fibres of cabuya, mocora and

toquilla straw (corludovica palmata); with these, the first two

exported as raw material and used for the manufacture of tools for

navigation, and toquilla straw, the basis for the hat industry since the

last quarter of the 18th century (Dueñas, 1991: 15); ‘due to the

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importance acquired by the production and export of the toquilla

straw hat, it determines the emergence of a small commercial

bourgeoisie that founds its process of capital accumulation’

(Zambrano, 2020: 104); a toquilla straw hat that in Republican times

during the construction of the Panama Canal at the beginning of the

20th century was baptised as ‘Panama Hat’, a recognition that

supports the recent important declaration, not of the hat, but of the

‘knowledge of fine toquilla straw weaving’ inscribed on 5 December

2012 (7. COM), where UNESCO includes it in the representative list

of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.

Colonial sustenance of Manabí, which to the Republic of Ecuador

influenced by the international market determines that,

‘Its historical matrix is of a mercantile nature. This is very important

to bear in mind in order to understand the different productive and

social institutions formed. By definition, mercantilism constitutes a

factor of individualisation or dispersion and not of unification in the

social and economic aspect. Indeed, it does not generate a

homogeneous economic market with uniform productive forms’

(Zambrano, 2020: 13).

This ‘regional integration, between the coast and the highlands,

would be the basis for generating the conditions to achieve a

characteristic of the national state, which is territorial integration, in

order to consolidate not particular or regional interests, but national

interests’ (Tapia, 2023: 87). Assumption fulfilled in the

consolidation of national domination, maintaining the structured

elite and accumulation of local-regional and not national character;

national domination for the social and territorial control given to the

Armed Forces (FF. AA), without being transferred to the political

elite, belatedly expressed in times of the irruption of the indigenous

movement in 1990 with a nationalist, rather than plurinational, sense,

and of the takeover of electoral progressivism from 2007 onwards,

attempting to imprint a national sense resisted by the local-regional

powers and elites led from enclaves not only of economic power, but

also political power in Guayaquil, which subordinates the dispersed

‘elite’ of Manabí (Zambrano and Guillem, 2024: 3161).

Ecuadorian-style republicanism, which in 200 years has still not

established the pending HISTORICAL AGREEMENT between

state-society and state-territory, imposing a state of the elite over

society and territory, adapting and resisting the implantation of state-

territorial regimes, This incorporates a plurinational and intercultural

character, but with dominant institutional devices without

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unblocking the accumulated structural and conjunctural national,

local and community conflicts.

The former jurisdictional Manabí resists the weak Inca-Spanish

colonial penetration different from that of Andean Ecuador, a

condition that allowed a certain ‘advantage’ for its social

development rooted in the dispersed settlements that made

subjugation difficult due to the decentralised mode of food self-

sufficiency created, ending up succumbing to the 300 years of

Spanish colonisation and subsequent annexation to the Bolivarian

Gran Colombia and the current liberal Republic of Ecuador.

Gran Colombia is the jurisdictional manager of the 200 years of the

provincial bicentenary; jurisdiction resulting from fragmented

foundations of villas or ecclesiastical parishes for evangelisation and

socio-territorial control, re-appropriated by the local independence

movements of Guayaquil and Portoviejo in October 1820;

independence movements neutralised and processed for the

hierarchical control of Gran Colombia (1819-1835) through the Law

of Territorial Division of 1824 (Ibidem, 3160); The usual logic of

historical control and domination adhering to the old Latin proverb,

‘divide and rule’ of Cartesian foundation, to a big problem, divide

‘its solution’, with this ‘power aspires to control the entire space and

preserves it in a state of “dissociated unity”, of fragmentation and

homogeneity according to the maxim of divide ut regnes’ (Lafebvre,

2013: 419), where the vast territory that became independent from

Gran Colombia had to be jurisdictionally divided into: departments,

provinces and cantons in order to sustain the dominion; by dividing

the territory, the demands ceased to be to the entire State, becoming

only of the State divided into provinces and cantons; division not

agreed for a better spatial organisation, but to impose the matrix of

domination, superimposed for the case of Ecuador in the

Departments of Quito, Guayaquil and Cuenca that put together the

independent republic.

Ecuador was an early republic separated from Gran Colombia from

1830, in which jurisdictional provincialism was adjusted to the

construction and domination of the national State, dissolving the

Departments, re-establishing the provincial categorisation in a

condition of legal equality; with this jurisdictional categorisation,

‘territorially homogenised the space, dissolving the differences,

unifying diversity and simplifying reality’ (Pérez, 2016: 10); a

mechanism of republican domination that hindered the achievement

of solvent self-dominance with levels of development of national

incidence for Manabí and of all Ecuadorian provincialism that would

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have been overcome belatedly with the constitutional negation at

regional level in 2008.

Maiguashca (1994: 357-358) synthesises these foundations of the

national state project, referring to the role of central power in the

process of national integration, proposing as a hypothesis the

centrality of the state as a bureaucratic instance along Weberian

lines, the main driving force behind national integration, using the

dimensions proposed by Tarrow in reference to the process of

formation in Western Europe and the impact that the centre has had

on governments in the peripheries, based on three indicators: (a)

political-administrative penetration referring to the creation of

institutions to achieve military and administrative control; (b)

normative homogenisation consisting of the creation of laws and; (c)

the social incorporation of marginalised groups.

Maiguashca (1996: 185-223) approaches the relationship between

the state and regional powers by identifying three cycles: from 1830

to 1925 Quito, Guayaquil and Cuenca became the epicentre of

territorial identities, representing a setback for the consolidation of

national unity; a second from 1925 to 1972, characterised by the

presence of peripheral social forces whose influence favoured the

central power and limited the consolidation of a strong national state

(developmentalism); and the last with neoliberalism since the 1980s,

losing all state perspective and surrendering to a planetary capitalism

that favours the ‘freedom’ of the economic order, reducing state

intervention and preserving private property and free enterprise

(Polanyi, p. 125). 125 ), encouraging autonomist pretensions that

continue to hinder the construction of the national state citing Seers

(1976) and Prebisch (1983) by Polanyi (2016: 129-130) reflecting

the global influence in the region through,

‘the continuity of dependency structures from the centres to the

peripheries from early mercantilism to the new mercantilism of

transnational corporations’. Thus, the post-war domestication and

unleashing of capital is implemented in the global south, because

mechanisms such as the financialisation of the real economy,

grotesque income inequality and outsourcing by transnational

corporations have devastated the social contract’.

In these gravitating cycles identified, prior to the installation of the

developmentalist state, the centralisation of public revenues was

achieved, which allowed the national government to define public

works programmes, which were conceived with the institutional

revolution of the young military in 1925 (Varela, 2023: 106),

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articulating a new model of the nation-state, based on: 1. the

imposition of the nation's interest, represented by the state over

private interests, 2. the imposition of political authority, represented

by the state, over private interests, and 3. the imposition of political

authority, represented by the state, over private interests, and 4. the

imposition of the state's authority, represented by the state, over

private interests. The imposition of the political, centralist and

institutional authority of the state as the apparatus of expression of

the national over regional, social, party or group divisions, and over

the play of traditional forces, and 3. the institutionalisation of the

Ecuadorian social question as state policy, so that ‘the existence of

the state is the result of a formative process through which it acquires

a complex of attributes that at each historical moment presents a

different level of development’ (Oszlak, 2011: 118).

Historical moments that establish the European Liberal State

structured and organised by means of an institutional system of three

powers: The State mutated from the initial Oligarchic National State

project (1830-1950) with weak institutionalism and socio-territorial

control; to the Developmentalist State (1950-1980), a superior form

of capitalist economic and political organisation governed by the

modern-industrial-urban statist bourgeoisie; to the Welfare State,

contained as a whole by the State of the Welfare State (1950-1980),

a form of economic and political capitalist organisation governed by

the modern-industrial-urban statist bourgeoisie; the Welfare model,

which is based on a set of institutionalised policies and rights with

the pretence of protecting the population, linked to the

Developmental model, which gave way to the Neoliberal model

(1980-2007), which prioritises the market as a regulator or self-

regulator of productive forces and social organisation without state

interference, re-institutionalised in the Law model, a principle of

governance where people, public and private institutions and the

state are subject to the primacy of regulations made by public

policies applied independently; basis of the Constitutional of Rights

(2007 to the present), subject to constitutional justice without

requiring specific norms to guarantee rights, coexisting with the

Plurinational and Intercultural (1998 to the present) of indigenous

cosmovision, ‘the only alternative of contemporary social

coexistence’ recognised by the national domination of the existence

of various nationalities within the same republic without sovereignty

(Narváez, 2024).

A process that constitutionalises the state with structural domination

of backwardness, poverty and subordinating the internal state

without the adjectives alluded to achieving welfare, social or

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territorial democracy, but rather the constitutionalisation of the state

of the elite in accordance with Foucault (2006), emphasising that this

‘state monitors, controls and punishes the actors it dominates, and

makes the hegemony of unitary-concentrated power felt. This

practice is projected over time and with nuances in the rule of law,

and only apparently diminishes in the social state’.

It is the entelechy of the plurinational and intercultural state that

reinserts Manabí through the ascribed Montubian self-definition

recognised by the 2008 Constitution (Articles 56 and 59); an

accumulated-combined identity between the ancestral-colonial and

the republican mestizaje that survives in the rural context, amassing

agriculture that sustains subsistence food security in a ‘capitalist

economy of the periphery’ (CEPAL, 2008, p. 32); it is in this

perspective, in tune with this perspective, that Manabí has a

‘plurinational and intercultural state’ (ECLAC, 2008, p. 32). ); it is

in this perspective in line with the constitutional plurinationality and

interculturality that the Government of Manabí ascribes itself

through Provincial Ordinance approved by Resolution No. 007-PLE-

CPM-30-05-2022 states in Art. 1, to culturally recognise the territory

of Manabí as a ‘Cholo-Montubian’ province; recognition extended

to the ancestral Cholo people whose essence linked to the sea and

fishing lacks constitutional category; identity categories that gain

relevance, the Montubians registered in the census since 2010

declaring 19.18% of the population of Manabí, increasing to 33.6%

in 2022; affirmative actions that demand a radical intercultural

substantive participation that alters the state of domination for a

diverse Ecuador and Manabí that reduces the chronic unsatisfied

basic needs that reaches 71% (INEC, 2022) for the Montubios.

Mutations that consolidate the unalterable foundational common

denominators, in: sustaining the system with institutional and

normative frameworks of dominant liberal foundation and the

dispute for access to and control of the government by dominant

blocs or factions identified by Prebisch (1980) in ECLAC (2008) on

the ‘dynamic key of the system’ with electoralism the only

mechanism of democratic legitimacy creating false expectations of

changes or transformations; mutations of their own and induced in

constant crises, whose vicious exits do not alter the senses of

domination arranged through social and territorial inclusions only of

an institutional-normative nature.

State constituted: ‘(...) autonomous power is the product of the

usefulness of increased territorial centralisation for social life in

general’ (Mann, 2011, p. 55-78). A national state that required with

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the decreed developmentalism of the 50s of the 20th century a

leadership that should be ‘capable of exercising political, economic

and cultural hegemony and produced in turn by this hegemony’

(Balibar, Etienne, 1991, p. 141), which makes the stable and

balanced triangle work between: State, capital and labour that to

Latin America, the Caribbean and Ecuador was induced by means of

the extended package of the reconstruction of Europe after the

Second World War to be applied with the Economic Commission for

Latin America (ECLAC, 1948); necessary for the extreme

backwardness of the region that should improve and create

favourable conditions for the exploitation and accumulation of

international capital; premise-conclusion fulfilled, because none of

the countries of the region, except Ecuador have solved their

backwardness and poverty by institutionalising the structural

inequality (Zambrano et al., 2024: 245), of state support promoted

by Hayek (1920), early stripped by anti-state neoliberalism replacing

Keynesian-influenced national development (1932), discouraging

alleviating policies, only administrating social and territorial

poverty, implanting the capitalist use in Manabí of accumulated and

sustained poverty to the present.

This whole circuit is territorialised in the conformed fan of the ‘two

differentiated ecological zones: the dry coast, which borders the sea

from the Bahía de Caráquez towards Cayo and Machalilla to the

south, and the humid coast which extends both to the north of Cabo

Pasado and inland, merging with the always humid foot of the

Andes’ (Dueñas, 1991: 14); dry coast, the original seat of the peoples

with greater organisational homogeneity between the present-day

Crucita extended to the south Jaramijó, Manta, Montecristi, Jipijapa

and Puerto López; to the north between Bahía de Caráquez, Jama,

Coaque to Coximies, now Pedernales, and towards the mainland:

Picoazá, Portoviejo, Rocafuerte, Charapotó, San Isidro to Tosagua.

The contemporary continental invasion of towns that extended the

agricultural frontier from 1860 onwards with less organisational

homogeneity in the northeast of the province in the current cantons

of Junín, Bolívar, Chone, Flavio Alfaro, Pichincha and El Carmen.

A range without pretensions of forming sovereignty, confirmed by

the local independence of Portoviejo in 1820, annexed to Gran

Colombia, leaving only the symbol of independence, which in the

republican domain consolidates the sense of internal ‘autonomy’

controlled by the centrist State; autonomy legalised in the

constitutional normative framework since 1946, in force up to the

present day.

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These contexts that insert Manabí to the integration of the national

State, reinforced with the irruption of Eloy Alfaro promoted

president of Ecuador in 1895, taking with him to connect Manabí

with Quito, without achieving it for having superimposed the

foundations of the liberal State that guarantees individual liberties to

the nascent Ecuadorian capitalism, achieving the tie for a greater

participation of the coast (Guayaquil) with the sierra (Quito),

agreeing to succeed each other and benefit from the political power

in force at the present time; The so-called national state with a

government ‘independent’ of hegemonic economic or religious

groups and perpetual socio-territorial control with public education.

The connections, rapprochement and integration between human

communities are connatural; that of Manabí with Quito has been a

constant, which is why in the times of the mule tracks five Chonenses

called Raidistas (a name that alludes to people who make long

journeys, such as the Chone-Quito): Carlos Alberto and Artemio

Aray, Juan de Dios Zambrano, Emilio Hidalgo and Plutarco Moreira

on board a vehicle set out to mark the path of what is now the Chone-

Quito road corridor (E38); an act that began on 6 December 1939,

arriving in Quito on 28 January 1940; an event that motivated the

government of the time to begin work on the construction of the

Chone-Santo Domingo corridor until the Santo Domingo-Alóag

corridor was consolidated in the 1960s.

Logic of connection, integration or territorial reaffirmation not

resolved in the internal national State of Ecuador due to disputes

between provinces, cantons and parishes, in this case the claim of

belonging to the canton of El Carmen created on 3 July 1967 stands

out; an event that took place on 4 December 1966, a day of

demonstration by teachers and students motivated by the Provincial

Council of Manabí who were determined to build schools in the

sector in order to demonstrate and ensure that this territory is under

the jurisdiction of Manabí. In the territorial dispute, adherents of the

province of Pichincha destroyed the Dr. José Ricardo Martínez

school, a trigger for Manabí to react, deciding to congregate in the

area in protest against the attack and claim territorial ownership. The

government in power imposed order on the protest with police force,

the usual mechanism of state domination, resulting in the death of

one student (Very Loor Zambrano); the rest of the demonstrators,

who were not residents of the sector, left the area hastily, and the

hasty return caused an accident in the vehicle that was transporting

them, resulting in the death of 35 of them at La Virgencita km 52 on

the El Carmen - Chone road.

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The above does not resolve the delimitations for Manabí, closed this

cycle through the electoral route of the bordering Manga del Cura

with Guayas consulted on 17 September 2015, result favourable to

Manabí; favourability superimposed by the original belonging or

descent of the voters; the republic divides, but this event

demonstrated, although the prefect of the day invested the provincial

budget in campaign without taking into account the sense of identity,

which is what ended up settling; blood being more powerful than the

political-economic domination.

All of these conditions ‘integrated’ Manabí into the national state in

exchange for a reduced PHIMA (Manabí Water Plan) with the Poza

Honda dam (1969); PISMA (Manabí Integral Health Programme,

1965) agreed between the Government of Ecuador, UNICEF and

WHO; a seaport and weak industrialisation with an enclave in Manta

since the 60s of the 20th century; creation of the Technical

University in 1952; state banking with the Central Bank since 1936

and the Fomento since 1962, constitutional creation since 1967 of

the figure of the Prefect to direct the Provincial Council, with

Manabí electing its first prefect in 1970; all devices that

accommodate the reproduction of political domination and capital in

the province.

This republican Manabí, made up of 22 cantonal parts and 56 rural

parishes, is vulnerable and resistant to social cohesion and organised

integration with/by a territory with provincialised governance. The

cantonalist fragmentation is a direct consequence inherited and

preserved from the ‘Spanish colonial Cabildo of control and local

domain and urban centres, head of the republic with autonomous

legislature (Ordinances) that solved daily problems without

requiring real decision (nowadays of centralist decision). Useful in

the colony, independence and republic as an effective mechanism of

representation of the local Creole elites’ (Reig, 1985: 13-19),

contributing to the state conformation sustained in local

caciquismos; cantonalism as a juridical-political determinant in

Manabí occurred in four stages:

- before the republic: Portoviejo 1820, Montecristi 1822 and Jipijapa

1824;

- with the republic: Rocafuerte 1852, Sucre 1875, Santa Ana 1884

and Chone 1894;

- in the consolidation of the modernisation of the state: Bolívar 1913,

Manta 1922, Paján 1945, Junín 1952, 24 de mayo 1952 and El

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Carmen 1967; and with the return of electoral democracy since the

return of the republic,

- with the return of electoral democracy in 1979: Tosagua 1984,

Pichincha 1986, Flavio Alfaro 1988, Pedernales 1992, Puerto López

1994, Olmedo 1995, Jama 1998, Jaramijó 1998 and San Vicente

1999.

Jurisdictional structure initiated in the colonial headquarters

expanded from the central Portoviejo, extending statehood and

capital, reproducing the fragmentation in the northeast of the

province generated by/with the historical disconnection, creating 7

of the 10 cantons since 1979; without these having fulfilled the

assumptions of improvement in the solution of structural problems

of socio-territorial poverty, nor of municipal strengthening due to the

complex governance between cantonal and/or parish pairs, less in

the multilevel province-canton-parish (Zambrano, et al., 2022: 74);

weakened municipalism as a level of government in Manabí, since a

significant portion of these municipalities in the rural periphery of

the northern province have physically and functionally closed their

management, suffocated by indebtedness that exceeds their

budgetary management capacities, restricted to fulfilling basic

competences assigned to them, let alone aspiring to guarantee rights;

the solutions to overcome this structural local institutional obstacle

must stop the jurisdictional, institutional and jurisdictional

fragmentation, agreeing on a better spatial organisation of local

statehood endowed with high technical-political and essentially joint

capacities.

Since the election of prefects in 1970 by constitutional mandate to

govern provincialism, they have not become the necessary

intermediate government between the national and local levels,

because they have not been able to aggregate the interests of their

internal jurisdictions of cantons and parishes and integrate them into

the province, weakened in their management capacities and stripped

of competencies re-centralised by the central state with the

neoliberalism that promotes more market and less state in the

national territory; Reinforcing Ecuador's constitutionalist neoliberal

state control since 2008, here the GAD Manabí has been prevented

from developing provincial deconcentration capacities, as well as

effective mechanisms for socio-territorial participation with a

progressive prefect that differentiates it as a democratic level of

government, rather strengthening the institutionally dominant

managerial approach matrix.

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The integrationist pretensions of the provincial globality have been

blocked without being fulfilled by those who institutionally should

have done it, the provincial government with prefect or the created

and multiplied regional development organisms (RDO): CRM

(Manabí Rehabilitation Centre - 1962), JRH (Water Resources

Board - 1967), CEDEM (Commission for the Development of the

Northern Zone of Manabí - 2002); nor contributed by the scattered

four public universities: UTM 1952, ULEAM 1985, ESPAM 1999

and UNESUM 2001; the common denominator of these devices are

to bear the name of Manabí; the ODRs were assigned the endowment

of the water deficit without achieving it and the universities to

technically professionalize the invasive and poor agriculture, ending

up in diversifying professions required by the market without having

formed think tanks for the regional development of Manabí; The

achieved, reproduction and deepening of the centralist-fragmenting

logic as a constant weakening of provincial integration with

consequent national domination.

In all this, the dynamics of the social impact of state republicanism

in Manabí should be highlighted: the Montoneros or Chapulos and

the Montoneras ‘guarichas’ forming Alfaro's revolutionary army, a

heterogeneous composition of peasants and certain employers,

militants and liberal ideologues who were ‘training’ as they went

along, receiving military ranks later integrated into the regular army

(Ayala, 2023); montonerismo was present before and after the

assassination of Eloy Alfaro.

On the other hand, the incipient pre-capitalism of Manabí in the 20th

century gave rise to cells of urban workers and artisans after the

formation of the communist and socialist party in 1926; These

organisations, which had no major impact, were limited to specific

demands specific to the sector or spatiality, formed into trade unions,

professional associations, teachers‘ unions (UNE 1944), students’

unions (FEUE 1944 and FESE 1966), and extended to the peasantry,

which formed provincial organisations coinciding or hand in hand

with the return of democracy and elections in 1979 through

development programmes aimed at small and medium-sized

peasants: Fondo de Desarrollo Rural Marginal (FODERUMA) and

the projects of Desarrollo Rural Integral (DRI), Programa Nacional

de Desarrollo Rural (PRONADER), Programa de Modernización del

Sector Agropecuario (PROMSA), Programa de Desarrollo Local

Sustentable (PROLOCAL) - (Guerrero, 2012: 127), without these or

with these altering the structural rural or agrarian-peasant poverty;

these peasant organisations are: UPOCAM 1978, FOCAM and

UNOCAM 1982 as a star product create the National Confederation

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of Affiliates to the Peasant Social Security (CONFEUNASSC) of

coverage and medical assistance with poor retirement pension; to

this organisational fabric are added the organisations of urban

territorial base (barriales); all dynamics emerged in the heat not of

the essential social class belonging in itself, but product of

accumulated backwardness, shortages and poverty of capitalism to

the Ecuadorian,

‘In Manabí it is worrying, due to the scarce, diminished,

disarticulated and demobilized organisational expressions of the

civil society that has not radically demanded to the local State, but

to the national State, because the latter centralised the sectorial

worker-peasant expressions preventing the constitution of a local

social movement; although the neoliberal tendency to continue

decentralizing the social demand, without social action; in order to

exist it must have a diversified sense that overcomes the capital-labor

dichotomy, including the socio-territorial’ (Zambrano, et al, 2022:

86). (Translation. ‘In Manabí it is worrying, because of the scarce,

diminished, disarticulated and demobilised organisational

expressions of civil society, which has not radically complained to

the local state, but to the national state, because the latter centralised

the sectoral worker-peasant expressions, preventing the constitution

of a local social movement; although the neoliberal tendency to

continue decentralising the social demand, without social action; to

exist it must have a diversified sense that overcomes the capital-

labour dichotomy, including the socio-territorial sphere").

Sentidos embraced in the local, being present in the national and

regional post-colonial domain, perfectly adjusting an aspect that

cannot be avoided in the process of emergence and consolidation of

national states, is the hegemony exercised by the dominant class in

power, through strategies of ‘concentration of territory, political and

administrative centralisation (government, justice), the adoption of a

“national” language and religion, which entailed the suppression,

sometimes violent, of languages and beliefs, which were often

subsumed in folklore’ (Carvajal, 2006, p. 199). 199).

Senses of the project of the national State of strong sensitive,

romantic and attractive apology ‘national unity’, for Manabí was

translated into the slogan, ‘Manabí one, Manabitas all’, or

‘Manabuno, Manabitas all’ political discourse with unifying tone of

domination contrary to the evidence; it is not he or the same

Manabita of the countryside with that of the city; of the peripheral

canton of Olmedo with the central Portoviejo; of the one who lives

in the centre of the urban centre, with the one of the marginal urban

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periphery, etc. All of them only meanings of normative equality

(equal before the law) containing the greatest socio-territorial

inequalities not overcome by capitalist republicanism for having

‘inserted a politics of exclusion in the core of its liberal theories and

practices since the 19th century, exclusionary practices present

throughout the history of liberal capitalism and in its contemporary

neo-liberal reconfiguration’ (Mehta, 1999).

Ratified in the current political-economic domination, a challenge

not achieved, although since 1974 the configuration of

‘MANABITISMO’ has been promoted by Manabitas students and

residents in Quito, aiming to revive the province by the abandonment

of governmental centralism without containing elements of identity

revitalisation; a substantial aspect that was born as a political-

institutional product without transcending the deep Manabí,

reinforced since 2003 by declaring June the month of Manabitismo

of obligatory travel to the 22 cantons organised by the provincial

institutionality. In this period the ‘AUTONOMIST’ demand was

also gestated, claiming a greater budgetary participation of the

national treasury and a certain destiny with self-domination that

balances, integrates and cohesions the national State, adapting a

necessary autonomous regime; consultation favourably voted on

September 17, 2000 (Diario El Universo, 2000), electoralist ‘will’

that succumbed in institutional arrangements without having altered

the national domination.

The first (1963) and second (1974) agrarian reform, which destroyed

all the primary forest in Manabí, forming a gigantic stain in the

centre of the province of 247,422 ha / 13.11% of the total area of the

province. 422 ha / 13.11% of the territory (GAD Manabí 2015: 73)

of high risk without having provided natural protection for the

eastern part of the territory in the nascent hydrography that retains

runoff and erosion with severe repercussions in the middle and lower

part invaded by extensive and intense agriculture and the disorderly

population settlement extended to the unprotected marine profile

privately walled by commercial real estate, reducing access to the

weak beach tourism.

This reinforces a new mercantile economic phase, conceived as ‘a

process of growth and structural change in the economy of a city,

district or region, in which at least three dimensions can be

identified: an economic one, characterised by a system of production

that allows local entrepreneurs to efficiently use productive factors,

generate economies of scale and increase productivity to levels that

allow for improved competitiveness in the markets; a socio-cultural

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one in which the system of economic and social relations, local

institutions and values serve as the basis for the development

process; and another, political and administrative, in which local

initiatives create a favourable local environment for production and

promote sustainable development’ (Vázquez, 2002), a requirement

for the necessary territorial competitiveness to support the market

for the industrialisation of fishing and Ecuador's oil monopoly in

Manta; a situation that led to the privatisation of public services,

establishing the payment of fees for provision and services that

increased public investment in port and airport infrastructure, roads,

connectivity, water and public services for private improvement with

some structuring of local planning.

Industrialisation also enclave of capital accumulation with the

derivatives of fishing (tuna and sardine), such as oil (Fabril and

Ales); since the agriculture of perpetual primary state of cocoa,

coffee and livestock accumulated large tracts of land, without having

transcended to the present day; the outstanding agricultural products

of historical significance in the provincial economy at the time:

toquilla straw hats, cocoa, coffee and bananas significant items

replaced by extensive and intensive livestock and short cycle of

maize with low profitability and high use of provincial soil with

severe edaphological consequences; extensive use of soil

representing 13% of the national, distributed in: 13.5% in permanent

crops, 17% in transitory crops, 33% in cultivated pastures, contrary

to the reduced 7% of environmental protection which are mountains

and forests endorsed to the excessive 20% of national livestock herd

(INEC-ESPAC, 2023); endowed with a reduced infrastructure in

irrigation for 60 thousand hectares covering only 6% of the land for

agricultural use incomparable with its coastal peers: Guayas 68.1%,

Los Rios 44.3% and El Oro 38.4%.

The representative sectors of the provincial Gross Domestic Product

(GDP) part of the 14 registered by the Central Bank in the regional

accounts, Manabí between 2007 and 2020 is 2.737 to 5. The

agriculture, livestock, forestry and fishing sector has doubled from

20% in 2007 to 10% in 2020; manufacturing from 16.5% in 2007 to

18.9% in 2020, an increase of 2.4 points; the sectors that represent

the state: 1. public administration, 2. education and 3. health in 2007

are 20% and 21.6% in 2020. The two sectors that generate the

provincial production economy with their own resources are: 1.

agriculture, livestock, forestry and fishing and 2. manufacturing,

which in 2007 amounted to 36.5% and in 2020 will be reduced to

28.9%; 7.6 points less, sectors that should have increased their

representation in the provincial GDP, affecting the generation of

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income and consequently employment, thus endorsing greater

provincial poverty; the other sectors are only services that make up

the social and territorial division of labour.

In this order for the 22 cantons of Manabí, 13 have agriculture as a

highly important sector of their economy, paradoxically they are the

poorest with income per capita income below the provincial income

which is 3,481 USD, much less than the national income per capita

of 5,670.33 USD (Central Bank, 2020), nothing comparable to the

peers that concentrate the national political-economic power in the

same year: Pichincha 7,980 USD, Guayas 6,120 USD and Azuay

5,490 USD.

The inclusion of the identified sectors: public administration,

education and health, which constitute the state, is due to the

importance they represent in the economy in 2020, adding up to

21.6% of the provincial GDP (one billion USD); these are factors

that accumulate capital in a few hands through public contracting

without reinvestment that energises the real sectors of the provincial

economy; concluding, the greater the state penetration, the less

productive provincial generation, and therefore the greater the socio-

territorial poverty.

In this logic of capital accumulation, tourism emerged at the end of

the 70s of the 20th century in the backward Ecuador, an activity

inserted into the national economy hand in hand with the visible

attractive products in the cultural heritage of the historic centre of

Quito and the natural ecosystem of the Galapagos Islands in 1978;

Manabí did not meet the conditions of heritage attractions with

UNESCO world standards, only Machalilla was declared a national

park of environmental protected area without tourist profitability in

1979; Because of this key restriction, the 350 km of beach was set as

an economic sector to be exploited, rather than developed, linked to

the traditional gastronomic and handicraft treasure; beach tourism

became a sector of the economy concentrated in the annual

celebration of Carnival, transformed from religious to festive,

extended to New Year and Easter, until 2016, increasing to 10 annual

national holidays, added to the local-provincial ones; in spite of the

above, Manabí does not manage to attract the massive beach tourism

of the concentrated population of Quito and Guayaquil.

This contemporary evolution of the provincial economy in

comparative and competitive advantages is concentrated among the

cantonal peers of: Manta, Jaramijó, Montecristi, Junín, El Carmen

and Portoviejo; the first three induced industrial enclaves with the

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developmentalism, advantaged by the essence rooted in being towns

of accumulated ancestral knowledge with fishing, weaving and

handicrafts; In contrast to agriculture, which is not the main wealth-

generating activity, although it covers the entire continental territory

without becoming a comparative-competitive advantage, with the

exception of Junín with its developed poultry food industry and El

Carmen for its connection with the international market through

banana production; in these Portoviejo is reduced to its centralist

condition of provincial capital that parasitizes it.

This description of Manabí is shown in the range of its two

population-territorial contexts; the ancestral one due to the level of

organisation achieved, evidence of the advantages registered, and the

other coinciding with the transition from the colony to the republic,

subordinated to the poor agricultural development of the republic;

the sea continued to be assigned to the population's food survival,

until it became part of the economy with fishing and tourism. With

the capitalist development of the annexed territory, commerce

became sectors of the economy, extended to construction, transport

and professional activities; the latter constituted in groups of

economic power with heterogeneous interests, homogeneous only to

small families; expressions of power without having any effect due

to the weaknesses of the guilds that exerted pressure for economic

benefit anchored to the local level through the traditional Chambers

of Commerce that served as a political-electoral catapult.

This balance could be considered positive, but reality contrasts it,

because before the integrationist development Manabí had extreme

backwardness and poverty, a situation not overcome with the

‘integration’, only that nowadays the subordination connotes a

greater dominant control in the territorial, institutional and

normative aspects, making it equal to the rest of the country:

territorial, institutional and normative making equal the population

and territories in the structural inequality penetrated by contracting

impoverishing consequences, where ‘power does not repress, but

normalises... power constructs our way of thinking, with this it also

produces and reproduces realities’ (Foucault, 1976).

Realities of domination, institutionally: powers, functions,

organisms, levels of government, etc.; normatively: Constitution,

Codes, Laws, Ordinances, Decrees, resolutions, etc., all mechanisms

of socio-territorial control that have altered and continue to alter or

dissolve the community-local social construction. Of the

aforementioned state monopoly, the normative monopoly has been

exercised since the 18th century, annexed to the bureaucratic

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apparatus, which, if it is not imposed coercively, also activates the

monopoly of violence that re-establishes the domination subjected

normatively in permanent states of exception.

In all of this, the role assigned to the internal jurisdictions of the

national state has been to fulfil the extension of domination and to

dispute the budgetary participation of the national treasury between

peers and between levels of government. A dispute that Manabí does

not consolidate budgetary sustainability, let alone governmental self-

control, hindered by local governors who concentrate their efforts on

being attractive to the electoral scenario that will sustain them by

aspiring to re-election or climbing to the positions of parish council

president to councillor, from councillor to mayor, from mayor to

prefect or assembly member.

Key mechanisms of structural centralism, the logic of power as

Restrepo (2011) puts it, ‘power and marginality are organised,

structured and distributed in space. Power always structures space’;

a logic that does not depend on luck or chance, much less on

potentialities, as the backbone is conceived in the fundamental

centre-periphery contradiction of the central countries (USA and

Europe), exported or transferred to the central countries. In Ecuador,

in the periphery, it takes effect from the political centralism of the

capital of the republic, subordinating the provincial capitals, from

these to the cantonal centres and at the tail end of centralism the

centre of the rural parish; centralism constituted in the imaginary of

the power exercised not only in or from the capital of the republic

towards its periphery, but the periphery reproduces it in each

jurisdictional space. For this reason, the apparent centralism fixed in

Quito makes invisible the centralism of the provincial capital

towards its urban cantonal and parish centres; essential centralism of

the socio-territorial control of domination.

In Manabí, the framework is implanted with undefined political-

ideological populism, converted into an electoral strategy with

rhetorical narratives containing promises of supposed solutions to

the situations of backwardness and poverty crossed with the

emotional frustrations of the electorate; Populism that has not

translated into effective solutions in the exercise of government,

reduced to simplifying the structural situation into shortcuts to

complex problems that perpetuate the clientelistic poverty of the

electorate; electoral populism that has become the protagonist of

‘personal charismatic bosses’ at provincial and local level, directly

responsible for preventing the generational change that would form

a different political-governing leadership. Populist electoralism is an

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effective, long-lasting mechanism with disastrous consequences for

the unalterable state of backwardness and poverty, as well as the

contaminating polarisation that continues to weaken the weakened

social fabric and the improvement of provincial state

democratisation.

Consequences that reinforced the expansive colonization of the

northern part of the province and the expulsion to the nearby border

with the growing population reserve without being able to sustain it

in the maternal territorial bosom justified by the dry cycle of the El

Niño phenomenon between the 60s and 70s of the 20th century,

enlarging the chaotic capital Portoviejo, the industrial enclave of

Manta; extension of ‘integrated’ Manabitas as a reserve of workers

required by the industrial fiction and urban growth of Quito and

Guayaquil, including the middle class that had access to university

studies without the effect of territorial return; with this, Santo

Domingo de los Tsáchilas, southern Esmeraldas, El Empalme del

Guayas and the mythical Amazon were taken over.

Process induced with and by the best post-colonial republican

invention that implanted not only the centralist liberal State, but the

annexed Nation constituted by communal diversities of Ecuador's

socio-territorial ancestry; merging them sealed the inclusion of the

dominant nation-state.

A nation-state imposed on various nationalities or ethnic nations

enclosed in a pressure cooker, muffled and invisibilised in the denied

essential diversity and difference; persisted in the neo-

constitutionalism of 2008, although it includes the plurinational and

intercultural, it prevents it from becoming fully effective. Because

of this dominant structuring, the Ecuadorian indigenous cosmovision

as,

‘Nationalities are claiming their right to be recognised for their

differences, for their history and for their right to be different. They

claim to be recognised as the legitimate owners of this continent, and

that the state is another form of social control and domination, which

did not recognise that these lands had inhabitants and that they were

owners’ (Burbano, 2017: 32).

A historical claim where Manabí is a Nation lost in the ‘integrated’

dominant national State, struggling in a weak provincialism of

effective capitalist use and abuse of the territory accumulating

capital in a few hands, with the dialectic of the place of identity and

roots; a debate favourable to the capitalist domination of Chola-

Montubia ‘inclusion’ that continues without demanding the

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implementation of an intercultural State different from the prevailing

one.

Only probable with the recovered Nation of originating Latin

etymology referring to birth, geographical, historical and cultural

cradle of descent-blood descent, configurators of origin and common

inheritance that makes rootedness, entailing sharing, distributions,

even resolution of disputes such as the one that occurred in Manga

del Cura in favour of Manabí; etymology compatible to conform the

Manaba Nation; nation without political republicanism, but that

which subsists beyond coexisting or not in the territory or

jurisdiction of its own.

A nation that continues to ignore the constitutional negation of the

Cholo of the equatorial coast by the prevailing mestizo domination;

this Cholo knows more about ethnicity, unlike the Montubio

compatible with republican capitalism; Cholo with material goods

continues to be Cholo, his ethnicity is in his skin; Montubio with

material goods, is an alienated cowboy made in USA; here the

Montubio perspective is the civilising modernity and the whiteness

of the Cholo-Indigenous Manaba.

This induced ethnic reason would qualify as constitutional justice

since 2008 for the Montubio people, as long as it was differential,

but this recognition does not dissolve the condition of equals in the

dominant normative, because the recognition is of citizen character,

that is to say individual and not the collective subject that recovers

the social community construction interrupted in the republic, for

this substantial reason ‘does not fit the definitions of Convention 169

of the ILO’, making it difficult to demonstrate the ancestral character

of collective rights. So the risk of the recognised Montubia

constitutional categorisation is to turn it into an element of

domination linked to deterritorialised mestizaje, contaminating the

Cholo by persisting in its civilising colonisation; Cholo that

continues to resist in reduced territories or ghettos. How much of all

this represents the identitary silences of the Manaba without

contradicting domination; resigned silence in cultural inequality and

poverty.

Silences based on the hegemonic and homogeneous Manabi

‘culture’ contained in narratives induced before, during and surely

after with magical-fictional realism romantically musicalised in all

genres adorned by rhymes that highlight: beauty, fecundity, depth,

pride of supposed cantonalist rootedness highlighting potential icons

of the population, culture and territoriality hovering between the

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beautiful, brave and treasuring the gastronomic; rhymes of mythical

nostalgia where the montonero Alfaro president stands out in

Ecuadorian republicanism. Narrative, a powerful resource of power

in tune with Foucault (1976) ‘it does not repress, but normalises... it

constructs our way of thinking, with this it also produces and

reproduces realities’, or more unrealities of reproducing patriarchal

rhymes where power remains unchallenged, without being

questioned, resisted, let alone combated to rectify a diverse and

different Ecuador; only dominant catharsis.

This Manabí of bicentennial jurisdiction has been annexed and

integrated without having constituted itself as a centrality of or in the

national state, let alone a cosmopolitan or metropolitan province,

because ‘integration’ was and is outwards; inwards, the integrated

cohesion of its recent and dominant Spanish colonial amestization is

still pending, in the republic extended to the European, Asian and

minimally Arab since the beginning of the 20th century, settled in

specific cantonal poles. Integration that adopts and adapts the

structural social and territorial division of labour for capital

exploitation with devastating consequences in its altered natural state

and population poverty without hope of being overcome by and with

the prevailing pattern of governmental domination.

All key institutional arrangements of supposed Ecuadorian-style

state democratisation, reinforced with fictional jurisdictional

autonomies without self-dominion that develop capacities for a

better spatial-state organisation that revitalises internal differences

and diversities; these would be vital in the Chola-Montubia identities

with room to recover the Manaba Nation; if domination and capital

were to process this form of spatial organisation, there would be

better organised territories with effective self-dominion.

Discussion

In Manabí, the ancestral millenary social construction maintains: a

developed pottery, decentralised self-sufficiency and food delicacies

with magical, mythical and romantic musicalised orality;

constructions that succumbed, readjusting to Spanish colonisation,

annexation to Gran Colombia and ‘integration’ to the republic, the

result of which is Manabí provincialism subordinated to national

domination with an altered identity that contrasts with the superficial

nationality or nationalism of Ecuadorian nationalism.

Manabí is structured in multiple cantons and parishes with first,

second and third categories containing structural asymmetries of

complex territorial and population overcoming; jurisdictional

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condition of false autonomy that hinders and weakens the adequate

spatial organization due to deficient: social, technical, political,

budgetary and management organization; key internal link that

affects and resists the global link of integration with polycentric

sense; cushioned with insufficient institutional arrangements in:

agendas, plans, decrees, regulations, tables, etc., although it depends

on essential degrees of solvency developed by the jurisdiction; to

overcome backwardness and poverty it will never be by decree.

The process to which Manabí was ‘integrated’ institutionally

consolidated the centrist State, without actors seeking to bring about

changes or radical improvements; each level of government is closed

in on itself without room for the relevant socio-territorial

government, reduced to the governing actor without betting on

improving the quality of political representation, nor by creating

electoral districts since 2008, subject to populist electoral offers

without translating into effective governmental exercises with key

socio-territorial transformations that have room for the fictional

system of social participation with powerful governmental

accountability and binding social control; If these key aspects are not

made viable, Manabí, its 22 cantons and 56 rural parishes will remain

unchanged at the third provincial centenary.

The agreed ‘integration’ of Manabí into the domain of the national

State has been for the demographic expansion that could not be

sustained due to the internal biophysical limits and the accumulation

of capital in a few hands, watering and populating Ecuador in

specific identified spots; This is why Manabí cannot resist any more

institutional arrangements of the national-provincial domination in

its third centenary, but modifies structural situations that prevent the

modelling of political, economic, social and institutional self-

control, because identity is its greatest strength.

This identified structural situation of backwardness and poverty

reproduced distracted (busy) actors claiming attention for

deficiencies, leaving aside the demand to change the dominant status

quo; Manabí in 200 years did not manage to create actors: social,

political, economic provincial actors other than the temporary

Alfarism that ended up succumbing to the subsequent assassination

of Alfaro.

The subordinate integration of Manabí to the national state, its

causes and consequences are the product of models imported and

imposed by the global civilisation in the social, political, economic,

cultural and normative spheres, which in the medium term will not

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be reversed or overcome by the will of the Ecuadorian Creole elite.

The corollary of or for Manabí, if the current circumstances or

situation continue to be dominantly conditioned by the mediate and

immediate past, fertilised by the current powerful situations, nothing

will be modified, let alone altered.

References

Balibar, Etienne (1991). “La forma nación: historia e ideología”.

En Immanuel Wallerstein y Etienne Balibar. Raza, nación y

clase. Las identidades ambiguas (pp. 135-167). Madrid:

IEPALA.

Banco Central (2020). Cuentas Nacionales Regionales. Cuentas

cantonales anuales.

Burbano Villarreal, Harold. (2017). Construyendo Estado en

Ecuador.

Carvajal Aguirre, Iván. (2006). “Volver a tener patria”. En Fernando

Albán et al. La cuadratura del círculo. Cuatro ensayos sobre la

cultura ecuatoriana. Quito: Corporación Cultural Orogenia.

CNE. (2015). Resultados de la consulta de la Manga del Cura.

Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe. (2008).

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